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Vile attacco squadristico al Centro sociale Banchi Nuovi

Vile attack squad to the New Community Center Banks

After several incidents of looting a small New Community Center Banks suffered last night a real assault squads that led to the destruction of furniture, especially rage against posters, banners and exhibits on display along the walls of the same community center.
Some areas of the hotel workers were saved from vandalism because the entrances were closed with metal doors difficult to force.
A clear politically motivated assault that seeks to strike selected targets in the history of the movement symbolically Banchi Nuovi and what it represented for the history of this city and beyond.
"Strangely," in fact, were damaged mainly posters and images that made reference to the historical experience of the unemployed organized which was expressed through the acronym Banchi Nuovi.
What was intended to hit was the irreducible radical autonomy and maintained in these long years of this movement dei disoccupati organizzati e che ancora viene espresso in questa fase, tanto nell’ambito della vertenza specifica per ottenere risultati sul piano occupazionale, quanto su quello più generale di schieramento e partecipazione a tutte le altre lotte che riguardano gli altri proletari e la difesa del territorio.
Una anomalia che le istituzioni e le altre forze repressive non riescono a “normalizzare” nonostante il ricorso a vari strumenti, dalla repressione alle lusinghe, dalla denigrazione ai tentativi di rendere corporativa la lotta dei disoccupati e precari coinvolti nel movimento.
In particolare il centro sociale occupato in via del Grande Archivio, è diventato in questi anni, un punto di riferimento per il quartiere, un centro initiatives related to the various struggles that have traveled the city of Naples.
A meeting point and reference for other words the reality of movement, the struggle against water privatization to the one against the criminal waste management in recent years. But also a center of social renewal with social, political and cultural.
Not only that, but at this time Banchi Nuovi is the promoter of a unitary path of all the different realities of struggle even at the national level and not only in the context of the unemployed.
addition to unit meetings in Naples and Taranto, have already held meetings in Turin, Milan and in Val di Susa, promoted along with other realities anti-capitalist network, to which we belong, and the movement of Terzigno. From these meetings have resulted in a joint appeal to take on 11 December, at the European mobilization against the great works and environmental devastation, two simultaneous events in Val di Susa and Naples, with a view to unification and generalization of the struggle. A single path of the movement that stubbornly insists on promoting Banchi Nuovi first among the various acronyms of unemployed people in Naples.

Even before knowing the perpetrators of this cowardly act, we are interested in understanding who benefits such a disgraceful action.
surely benefit the institutions that they see in this community center and practices in the bearer, a thorn in the side of their business and power games. Certainly benefit those policy areas on slices of unemployed in recent years have invested part of their political fortunes, trying to use them as mass electoral maneuvering and pressure to defend their interests.
But we believe that the attack on the community center is also a message across in clear style gangster, against all those persons who have been deployed in recent years with new benches, sharing and joint initiatives to combat unit paths.
For this reason we believe that a policy response must involve not only us, directly affected by this action squad, but all sectors cooperating and collaborating with the movement of new rigs.
If the intent was to intimidate and disrupt the movement of their calculations were wrong. The community center will strengthen even more their spirit of unity to other struggles and seek to further characterize as a reference point and promotion of initiatives aimed at defending the conditions of life and work of all the workers.
We invite all those who in these moments we are doing reach their solidarity to agree on a first moment of meeting discussions that continue to face together as a unit in that location that we are practicing for some time and reach out to other social sectors.

movement of the unemployed organized Banchi Nuovi

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Nasce "Unità Comunista sezione Ponticelli"

the political activities of collective Baruda held on 20 November 2010 had resulted in the decision to merge completely Marxist nall'Associazione unit they make up the section of Ponticelli.

Over the past 9 months of territorial and political work, many issues were addressed: the question antifascista, le tematiche del lavoro e della disoccupazione, la privatizzazione delle scuole, l'emergenza rifiuti e così via.
Il lavoro politico e le contraddizioni con le quali ci siamo misurati ci hanno sin da subito posto dinanzi un problema oggettivo che vive il movimento comunista non solo a Napoli ma su un piano nazionale e internazionale. L'estrema frammentazione, la mancanza di una progettualità politica che dia un minimo di prospettiva e coordinamento alle varie lotte di classe che si stanno sviluppando nel paese è secondo noi il motivo principale per cui viviamo un periodo di grandi sconfitte e arretramenti in termini di diritti. Un padronato che può permettersi, in termini di rapporti dialettici nello scontro fra classi, l'approvazione the "related work", which is nothing but a completion of the Biagi law, blackmail of any kind against the working class, with the CD Piano Marchionne, cuts and privatization on all fronts, such as education and healthcare, and destruction of what was left of the escalator, can not ask the question of what future issues such as communists and proletarians.

Our political and material needs are to overcome the logic of such lively and spontaneous, which would see only in mobilizing the push to change the present state of things, and make sure that we build a national route which has as its goal the reconstruction of revolutionary subjectivity. I hear your voice reason as well as the historical experiences of the revolutionary workers' movement, there are huge protests of recent times in Asia, or Europe, where the most striking case has occurred in Greece with the assault on the parliament of thousands and thousands of proletarians, which did not lead to revolutions. It 'just the point on which we decided to focus on the critical policy to be pursued in the coming months and years to come. With to mobilize the masses do not conquer the power!
Without a revolutionary organization, long-standing, paintings and mass, you can not change the state of affairs nor win battles in the long term. Just to make

so that this goal does not remain on the floor of a simple and abstract proclamation, to build a first step, we make the choice of flow units in the Community, is also the territorial section, based on the policy document "themes and locations for the reconstruction of class approved at meetings held along with fellow Iskra Area Flegrea, the comrades of the Communist Unity and Communist Collective Amalfi Coast, and based on the militant labor common in recent months.

Since the birth of the team in February 2010 we reiterated the need to build a path of political recomposition of the communists, they are not everywhere, but everywhere express conflicting practices and incompatible with the institutional framework. Therefore we are not the least interested in the logic of such election.

Proclaiming the birth of a new organization would not be useful, because we believe the unity of revolutionary you on matters of substance rather than form. In continuity with the work area last year, the collective Baruda changes, but simply as a symbol , and continues its activities both on Ponticelli district, both in the metropolis as a Communist unit.

In short, therefore, there will be a local section of our website with their new addresses and contact information.

decision of assets as of September 20, 2010
i compagni e le compagne della sezione di Ponticelli di Unità Comunista (ex Collettivo Baruda)

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Temi e percorsi per l'organizzazione di classe

La classe operaia sola di fronte alla crisi

Nonostante il silenziatore posto da giornali e televisioni di regime, intenti come non mai ad occultare il paese reale e le sue contraddizioni per concentrare i riflettori sull’insulso teatrino del bipolarismo istituzionale e sui finti scontri tra le due frazioni della borghesia nostrana, lo scorso inverno è stato attraversato ovunque da esperienze di lotta e protagonismo operaio.

La mappa delle crisi aziendali e delle numerose mobilitazioni di lavoratori è così ampia e svariata che è letteralmente impossibile stilarne un elenco minimamente esaustivo: oltre alle oramai note esperienze di Pomigliano (la cui disamina della mobilitazione in atto contro l’infame Piano-Marchionne meriterebbe una trattazione a parte) e dell’Eutelia, si possono citare quelle delle cooperative milanesi (Bennett di Origgio e altre), capace di coinvolgere su di un terreno di lotta anticoncertativa settori consistenti di lavoratori immigrati, la lotta esemplare dei dipendenti di Alcoa in Sardegna, l’esperienza degli operai INSSE, il “gesto esemplare” dei lavoratori della Vynyls di Porto Torres che ancora oggi occupano il carcere abbandonato dell’Asinara (divenuto noto ai media come “ Isola dei cassintegrati” , ma anche  quelle dei dipendenti Ispra e dei precari della scuola, a testimonianza che anche il mondo della ricerca e del cosiddetto lavoro intellettivo può essere capace di autonome iniziative di lotta.

Salvo qualche lodevole eccezione, nella maggior parte dei casi stiamo assistendo a una proliferazione di lotte “ fai da te” , il più delle volte portate avanti fuori dai tradizionali canali sindacali, e in molti casi caratterizzate da forme di protesta isolate tra loro e mosse più da un senso di disperazione e di ricerca spasmodica dei riflettori mediatici, che di cosciente e consapevole initiative class. Although these episodes embryonic response workers and proletarian represent important signals in perspective and should not be underestimated, it is the duty of the Communists and the vanguards of class to investigate these phenomena, understanding the limits and investigate the causes of the current state of fragmentation and weakness of struggles.

It is in our view the result of a sense of distrust and isolation of the extreme political and trade union that has been settled between the class over the years, fueled both by the loss of credibility of organizations' official (CGIL and "radical left" in the first place) as a result of the turnaround, the two decades di concertazione a perdere e delle politiche di attacco al salario in nome dei “governi amici”; dall’altro della cronica incapacità da parte delle pur importanti realtà del sindacalismo di base e della sinistra di classe di indicare e praticare percorsi di lotta organizzati, coordinati e capaci di infondere nuova fiducia nella classe.

I fatti di queste settimane confermano in maniera cristallina quanto affermiamo.

Sul versante istituzionale o para-istituzionale, abbiamo assistito all’ennesimo congresso-farsa di una Cgil che è oramai incapace persino di recitare il consueto copione dell’antiberlusconismo: quest’organizzazione, che da tempo immemore è alla più completa mercè di una burocrazia affarista divenuta “stato nello stato” (si pensi soltanto al business dei C.A.A.F. o a quello, più recente, dei fondi-pensione), ha sancito nella sua massima assise nazionale la riconciliazione con Cisl, Uil e Ugl, sacrificando ogni residuo barlume di autonomia sindacale sull’altare delle compatibilità, pur di venire riammessa ai tavoli delle trattative con governo e Confindustria da cui era stata preventivamente estromessa negli ultimi mesi.

Per suggellare l’approdo neoconcertativo e neocorporativo, Epifani e il suo successore Camusso si sono dapprima sbarazzati, attraverso brogli e irregolarità several, of what remained of the internal opposition. These were some time very little: in fact the same document "alternative" was in large part the preserve of bureaucrats and union leaders known for their concerted and ultrariformisti past, and it is no coincidence that in that motion the principle of consultation is never mentioned nor nor questioned.

The real outcome of the conference did not take place in Rimini, but the National Assembly of Confindustria, where Epifani, appeared alongside Fini, Casini, Bersani and discoveries partner Bonanni and Angeletti, in the role of staunch supporter of Emma Marcegaglia report, the latter in a climate of "national unity" invited politicians, businessmen and workers to share, all together, the "sacrifices" imposed by the economic crisis.

This is perfectly illustrated in our view of how the crisis is straining to reassemble that axle "neocentrista" between the area of \u200b\u200bConfindustria tied to big business and financial capital (led by Fiat, De Benedetti, Tronchetti Provera, Colaninno, etc..), the old center (PD in particular) and the confederal unions in a new edition of this united front that in the past two decades saw Romano Prodi, the man who could summarize the interest, and that the opportunity presents itself in an enlarged version of the UDC and Finian, all united in the name of 'responsibility' and 'national unity. "

This axis, now cross to the current coalition, however, is left somewhat battered from the last regional elections, whose only winners have been the one hand and vote (now at record levels) on the other hand, the Northern League , the main performer of quell'offensiva unprecedented carried out by the reactionary right-wing bloc on the ground in civil, social and cultural.

climate racist, xenophobic and security-first, ad hoc orchestrated by the owners to divide the working class, distract from the real causes of the crisis and fomenting wars between the poor, in the absence of organized opposition to the class and allowed the League to populism Tremonti to take root as a layer consisting of the working class, and became in fact the main life insurance for the Berlusconi government.

It is no coincidence that the issues of security and immigration are increasingly the leitmotif of the campaign, and that these issues have become part of the DNA from almost all parties and regional governments and local center-left, which are queued in a supine horde of reactionary even gain some electoral advantage (De Luca's example in Campania can be illuminating for this purpose).

same time, the PDL and the Right of the Government shall endeavor with all their means to revive small groups of extreme right and neo-fascist waste buried in history, feed and protect them with the aim of infiltrating provocateurs in these struggles and prevent the growing discontent among the underclass and working class areas are channeled in a direction anti-capitalist: the case of the group now known Casapound it is the clearest demonstration . We should say a few words on this point that in recent years has been a further source of division between the reality of the next class. The Communists are intended primarily to clarify what they intend to bring to bear against the low manpower of our national capitalism beyond understatements hasty and sterile alarmism. To clear up misunderstandings and ambiguities start by saying that the first step to remove the neo-fascist political freedom is rooted in class and the struggle against capitalism. If it is true that for most of the Italian bourgeoisie democracy remains the most appropriate scheme to use its domain class and is certainly not around the corner a full-blown dictatorship in style two decades, for the Communists but also raises the need to know how to deal with the attacks of the Fascists in the years that have gradually abandoned any ambitions "revolutionary" or vaguely "anti-system" to be mere servants of the bourgeoisie. The daily assaults on fellow antagonists, belonging to the left of class, community centers and offices of militant trade unionism basic require not to underestimate the phenomenon is merely another tool in the hands of the owners to block and isolate the Communists especially schools, universities and workplaces. In other words, Fascists do not attack us when we "Anti-fascism," but also and above all the bourgeoisie when we perceive as a threat to social peace. Our response militant on this issue must be firm and clear, anti-fascism, therefore, consider a particular form of class struggle and for us must be firmly tied to the liberation of the working class by employers. Similarly, we believe that the communists should lead an independent initiative itself as a bulwark against any attempt by the fringes "progressive" of the Italian bourgeoisie and their followers in the institutions, to gain space in the direction of the protest in the name of "holy alliances" against fascism. Our struggle can not by no means be an encouragement for the recycling of political classes who for years do nothing but sing the praises of the anti-Fascist Italian Constitution, while supporting the anti-proletarian policy in this country.

The total absence of the slightest force organized class also contributes to the proliferation of such phenomena as "grillismo", the "DiPietro", the "savian" phenomena that, notwithstanding the obvious differences between they are all the product of the same security-glare with which the media are trying to numb the consciences of the workers diverting them towards a form of deification of an order (the capitalist) e da leggi, poliziotti, magistrati e controllori vari con cui la classe sfruttata ha sempre avuto tutto da perdere, nulla da guadagnare e niente a che spartire.

Del resto, le sedicenti opposizioni, democratiche e costituzionali, che si indignano per le norme-bavaglio imposte da Berlusconi alla stampa e per le leggi ad personam, sono sempre pronte, con la benedizione di Napolitano, a sedersi ai “tavoli delle riforme” per riscrivere la costituzione in chiave reazionaria (non è un caso che tutti indichino come modello la bozza-Violante…), ma soprattutto accorrono in soccorso della destra per far si che la prossima finanziaria risponda, nel modo più fedele possibile, ai diktat antiproletari It took the EU (reappeared on TV months ago, Romano Prodi is to say with sincerity enviable, that "the operation of the Berlusconi government is in perfect continuity with those launched by the previous center-left governments.

In this state of perpetual precarious balance in which the political class and trade union tries to float hit by the same contradictions which devoured the ruling class emerging with increasing evidence the limits of the class movement in all areas and forms: ' absolute lack of coordination between the struggles and disputes, the lack of credible reference points at union level, and especially the lack of a political project capable of reviving the struggle for the unity and autonomy of class, and from this, for the revival of a credible plan of unity of the Communists.

themes and locations for the organization of class

state of extreme fragmentation of the proletarian front, the continuing setbacks imposed on the class master's from the offensive in recent years and, finally, the new, dramatic wave of all-out attack against the salary direct, indirect (social status) and deferred (pensions) as a result of the systemic crisis of global capitalism, now make urgent resumption of the confrontation between the Communists in order to rebuild those tools necessary to restore the balance of power in favor of the proletarian front after three decades of defeats and setbacks: firstly, the construction of effective means of coordination of economic and social struggles, in other words the union of class, and second the class party, the autonomous organization of the Communists.

so that these goals do not amount to mere claims, or mere statements of intent, as we believe that the Communist drive paths should be identified, the intermediate stages approach to bridge the gap between the objective need of the party and the union of inadequacy and disorganization of class forces.

Our battle for the review of class: ... out of sterile entryism

For several decades, the debate in the next class on the union was completely absorbed from unnecessary and often tiresome debate between those who, with a variety of accents and justifications, supporting the need to work within official organizations (ie in the first place and above all Fiom CGIL) and those who, starting while underlining the right of the nefarious role played by the CGIL, attack the flag of one of the many sindacatini base.

evidence shows that both these options have in fact proved unsuccessful: the dogmatic assumption of this or that union as the sole reference has often been the opposite outcome to what many comrades, including good faith, they proposed, instead of feeding paths reconstruction, delusions, confusion and fragmentation in the class.

who continued to fight in CGIL is in the best case found trapped in useless rituals and of the flue system, deluded by the cracks the so-called "trade union left" on expectations of a prophetic "X hours" in which the resumption of the class struggle would have ousted the corrupt bureaucracies, and systematically disillusioned by opportunistic practices of all kinds of divisions and positions of power with which the 'alternative motions "keep bartering the workers' demands.

haughty attitude with which almost all of the numerous small groups and seven self-styled Marxist supporters dismiss the issue of the CGIL trade union of construction of the class as they show in a clear, behind a communist or convoluted rhetoric revolutionary, hiding nothing that the interest in keeping the seats and the seats obtained in the control apparatus main wire and anti-working class.

Moreover, when the capital deployed all its strength and ability to blackmail against the proletarians, the reaction of the latter, even if members of the official organizations, in some cases comes with the struggle to climb over the tactics and calls for caution handed out liberally by many self-styled Marxists: tenacity, determination and anger with which workers FIOM Pomigliano have returned to you the agreement halter wanted by Marchionne has effectively displaced not only the leaders of Fiom itself, but also many of his reggicoda "left." This was made clear on June 25 in Naples during the general strike called by the CGIL a number of fellow workers and the reality of the Cobas private labor objected to below the stage the meeting held by union leaders: while many workers Fiom Pomigliano solidarity with the protest, the leaders of the various so-called "left-labor" groping awkwardly, not knowing how to get on ...

For revolutionary communists, these acts of insubordination to their workers' central union "must be the occasion for intensifying intervention in these contradictions in order to enlarge, not the expedient for tactical repositioning, or worse yet, begging for seats in the nerve center.

... and beyond sindacatini "DIY

inexorable drift of the confederal unions and cooperatively in recent years has offered more opportunity for the revival of a real trade union movement class and combative.

Unfortunately, despite many in the area of \u200b\u200bgrassroots unions continue to repeat that at this stage "we are open true prairie" , these declarations of intent are completely disregarded because of the limitations and chronic health has always characterized the plethora of trade unions and sindacatini extraconfederali.

The vast and rugged archipelago of grassroots unions, the development of which have contributed and still contribute some important experiences of struggle and self-organization over the years has unfortunately been unable to go beyond their own fences and their "allotments."

The struggles of these years, they el'indubbio role played by grassroots unions (on all the anti-war demonstration in June 2007 and the strike in October 2008 attended by hundreds of thousands of workers) offered more than once the occasion to launch a wide path and took part, able to go beyond the existing plethora of acronyms and exceed the limits established by the chronic lack of roots and the presence of "patchy" in the workplace.

The extreme fragmentation of the proletarian front, therefore, would have imposed the search for a tool that, based on certain key words and class-unifying anticoncertative, acted not only as support for the struggles and self-organization, but was also a credible reference point in front of those thousands of workers who, despite having to struggle, still in the military or confederations are not members of any union because of objective limitations imposed by employers (just think of the precarious or employees of small businesses) term needs (primarily the absence of trade unions based in large part reality of the work or the lack of representativeness due to the monopoly granted to the CGIL-CISL-UIL) or more simply the outright distrust than unions.

The so-called Pact consultation set up by some of the main symbols extraconfederali, which at first seemed, though between light and shadow, move in that direction, instead nel giro di pochi mesi risolto nell’indizione di qualche sporadica scadenza di lotta comune, peraltro con modalità tese a restringere gli ambiti decisionali entro la cerchia ristretta dei vertici e ad escludere di fatto le sigle minori.

Il riaffiorare di personalismi e velleità egemoniche di varia natura legate a questo o quel gruppo politico ha fatto il resto, consegnandoci di fatto un quadro tutt’altro che confortante: in questi mesi abbiamo assistito alla nascita di nuove sigle che si proponevano di riunificare gran parte delle esperienze di base, e al contempo a tre o quattro nuove scissioni, provocate a nostro avviso dal vecchio vizio politicista di pensare che per dar vita a un sindacato di classe Just sit around a table, come to an agreement between "managers" and then summon some shareholders are looking for a plebiscite to be passive members of the workers ... the face of self and the "rejection of the delegation " !

The results of this are obvious: the general strike called by the grassroots unions last October 23 took place in a few thousand people, and even fewer are the numbers of the national event opened last week in Rome against the budget package.

Just as it emerges in objectively the need to create a credible instrument and keep pace with emerging issues and new forms of exploitation, able to unify and support the struggles, the landscape of grassroots unions seem largely unprepared to carry out these tasks, as mired in exhausting internal diasporas that might reduce some abbreviations to a role of a mere witness to the revival of schedules and other paperwork similar to those of the confederate.

Union of class and workers' councils

While the difficulties and limitations set out above make it very far The route to the review class, it is also true that the dramatic effects of the crisis and recovery in many cases of workers from lower forms of leadership makes all the more necessary the identification of organizational forms that here and now prove adequate to current conflict.

Given the myriad of corporate crises, layoffs, layoffs in the context already marked by unemployment, which has now reached unsustainable levels and the sharp fall in the purchasing power of wages due to increased rates of essential public goods (electricity, water, gas, transport, etc..), the high-price and high cost loans, and in light of contextual and often confused responses by workers, we think that all the comrades, regardless of unions or political affiliation, should move right now to create everywhere Committees against the crisis, and Autoconvocate unitary councils of workers in struggle in workplace, cases of resistance useful to support the struggles and dealing with the worst effects of the crisis, and so it produces no sense of helplessness and hopelessness, but anger and desire for redemption, insubordination to the dictates of the bosses, institutions and politicians subservient to them.

committees struggle Autoconvocate represent in our opinion the only instrument capable today to promote, coordinate and connect the struggles at least national and European perspective: already in some cities there are similar experiences (Milan, Bergamo, Turin, Rome, etc..) but are still confined to a territorial dimension, vertenziale or "corporate." This is to our notice from these first attempts, showing off and putting them in conjunction, you must also work to overcome the boundaries vertenziali, that does not mean ignoring the individual disputes, but from the latter to set up a 'single dispute unifying against the bosses and their institutions, which will restore those divisions category of contract, class, ethnicity, etc.. that the employers imposed the proletarians through restructuring and reform laws in the labor market.

In essence, you must create a coordination Autoconvocate including workers laid off, fired, movements of the unemployed, precarious workers in every sphere and every figure contract and committees of immigrants.

Beyond the big names or formulas, it is essentially to create some form of aggregation from the bottom, without prejudice to the territorial autonomy of each and vertenziale actually engage in combat uniform and deadlines coordinated mobilization and independent from equipment leases, taking over those claims for wages and hours that have characterized the most advanced experiences of the labor movement of the last century and updated in the light of new contradictions escalator, guaranteed salary, drastic reduction of working time, deletions cages wage of any kind (whether territorial, categorical or related to productivity) through a single European salary, stabilization of all temporary contracts, no to snatching of severance pay, social services (water, electricity, gas, education, transport, etc. .) Free for the workers, the closure of CIE for immigrants, not the great works (Tav, landfills, incinerators, Strait Bridge, etc.) and use of public funds for works that meet the needs of populations and provide stable employment to the unemployed, not to military spending and war missions imperialist etc.. These are only some claims, which are listed as examples of a possible unifying platform for the realities of combat more advanced at the national level.

Only in this way you can, immediately, to provide working class conscious and militant action that first instrument able to traverse forward and overcome the balkanization of acronyms that often divide rather than unite them each avant-garde a union of class, anticoncertativo and combative.

This task, in which no political or trade union symbol in the left of the class can think of to accomplish alone, because it goes far beyond the narrow garden plots that each of us has carved over the years, and as required, at the forefront to get rid of narcissism and ravings of primogeniture, which inevitably end up frustrating the leadership class and ultimately return the struggles in the arms of the reformists and opportunists.

just one example: last winter when the Sardinian Alcoa workers took to the streets in Rome facing for an entire afternoon con le forze dell’ordine, essi impugnavano in gran parte le bandiere di un sindacato giallo, la Cisl. Ci chiediamo: dobbiamo continuare a ricordarci di questi operai solo quando finiscono sui giornali per poi storcere il naso di fronte al fatto che non hanno in tasca “ la tessera giusta” , o forse non è meglio comprendere che il tracollo del capitalismo, spingendo alla lotta settori di proletari sinora inimmaginabili per i comunisti, impone delle proposte organizzative immediate che superino gli steccati e le liturgie attuali?

Per l’organizzazione autonoma dei comunisti

We are aware that in the absence of effective initiatives to exit the current impasse, including the call to the party risks being reduced to only a sterile proclamation, a prayer without the slightest relapse practice.

Although a formula somewhat overused recently, and although it has tried to use it as any sort of ocelots that have devalued the real meaning, we continue to believe that the best way to give back to their communist tool action is that of the constituent .

Before the names and "packages", we are concerned, however, specify the boundaries and content of our proposal: that in order to avoid misunderstandings and misconceptions in relation to other experiences through the aftermath of the collapse of the "Rainbow Left", and that during these two years, in the name of appeals to the 'unity of Communists, have proved only Trojans to all types of ocelots from the PRC and PdCI, responsible for killing and anti-proletarian policy of the Prodi government elites like those who today say they criticize (except then beg for seats in governing bodies or candidates in elections under the banner of the same party).

For this reason, it seems necessary to indicate in advance what we should not be the constituent :

1) not be useful to make-up operation recycle parts of that political class (and PdCI PRC in particular) that led to the current disaster, and that is in a state of coma. The parties of the so-called "radical left" of the instruments are now completely useless for both the community and especially the working class, so any operation intended to resurrect, politically or electorally these subjects for us to reject and oppose.

2) can not and must not be a field party nominating himself: in Italy there is already a rich plethora of small parties-bonsai, custodian of "correct line" but little or nothing in class and rooted in the contradictions produced by the system. We do not care to add one more item to this list, because we believe the construction of the organization is the result of a constant and hard work of avant-garde group of real as they emerge from the struggles and militancy, and which do not always coincide with those who are self-appointed "vanguard."

3) not be an area where it is limited to debating intellectually party, only to postpone indefinitely the process of building concrete organization: the discussions it seminars are useful only insofar as they are able to achieve concrete progress for us, if you are not limited to photograph the current fragmentation.

4) not be a shortcut to functional operations purely electoral. We have already discussed this point extensively elsewhere, so we just reiterate our point of view by stating clearly that, at least in the coming years, any attempt election will inevitably be employed or become self-defeating not only an act for those who practice but for the whole communist movement, or to turn in yet another scramble for seats, or even worse, departments and ministries to the bourgeoisie.

within the confines of the red lines just now mentioned, we declare ourselves available as of now to initiate or resume the debate with all those communists and proletarians who share the historical necessity of a political organization independent.

Rebuilding the thread of Marxist theory: against reformism in all its variations, over the inconclusive gruppettarismo

The reflection on the party, while urgent and can not be postponed, is not we have chosen a new and well established idealistically, but a historical necessity that there is (re) delivered by the economic, political and social capitalism of recent decades, and in the first place by the recent global crisis of its forms.

For those, like us, wants to get out of the impasse of the long period of communist organizations, this common will is not sufficient to solve the huge problem, in short, to create a common path we which are indispensable for a number of shares analytical, theoretical proposals (strategic and tactical) and methodological issues.

affirm this because too often the path forward to create unit has resulted in hasty "cold fusion" that within a few months have led to disastrous results.

None of us is attracted to a monolithic idea of \u200b\u200borganization: on the contrary, we believe that sufficient analytical and theoretical homogeneity is achievable only through a broad debate, transparent and mostly horizontally between peers.

The history and experience of the communist and workers' movement in more than half a century and demonstrate the validity of two assumptions of the Marxist method-hinge:

1) ; The formation of a militant, and the validity of theoretical assumptions, strategic, tactical planning and organization necessarily pass the test live daily offering of the class struggle. An effective political intervention of the vanguard and the class struggle and communist militants in a thousand streams of class contradictions can only exist as long to get to know, then field the everyday materiality of the concrete forms of exploitation and capitalist domination .

2) "Without revolutionary theory, there is no revolutionary movement." This principle should be interpreted for us in terms of materialistic and dialectical, not doctrinaire: in other words, the revolutionary theory is characterized as such only if it is capable of being translated, both tactical and strategic, in a good "guide to action" of thousands of men and women, in a grid of analytical, interpretative and programmatic progress profits of the real movement which abolishes the present state of things, so I a mere list of petitions of principle, nor a table of want established idealistically but no correspondence with reality and its social relations of production.

Based of these two assumptions, it follows that the revolutionary communists must be taken, where possible, in every single fight and dispute partial, so that in practice the latter prevail, slogans and forms of struggle by self-compatibility and their employers reggicoda reformers, and so part of every struggle and emerge in a clear instance of the prevailing character of the capital-labor el'inconciliabilità conflict of interest between the two warring classes.

The recovery of an autonomous movement and class, a prerequisite to the development organization of the Communists, on the one hand requires a break with the political and cultural practices small vessels, folding microvertenziale (often cloaked by realpolitik ) to which you are bound hand and foot not only avowedly reformist organizations, but also many other structures of the archipelago of movement and "communist", the other a inconclusive as clear break with the chatter of evergreen small groups and small parties "from the right course, endless commentators and political reality at every moment ready to sciorinare a long list of quotations" masters "but totally unable to translate these precepts into a some form of political intervention in the class.

Queste precisazioni, che potrebbero a prima vista sembrare alquanto scontate tra marxisti, ci sembrano necessarie per fare chiarezza sui “confini” politici che intendiamo tracciare nel nostro dibattito.

Le necessarie condivisioni analitiche sono per noi in primo luogo le seguenti:

1)      Lotta al riformismo e a qualsiasi corrente politica che continui ad illudere il proletariato con concezioni gradualistiche, progressiste, frontiste e democraticiste. Il nostro percorso di avvicinamento al partito è per sua stessa natura independent and incompatible with anyone, even within the so-called "Marxist-Leninist", recalls in a more or less obvious tale of the popular fronts and alliances between the democratic movement class and alleged "enlightened bourgeoisie" (which is , specifically Italian, means nothing more than tie the proletariat to the chariot of the various Montezemolo, De Benedetti and company ...). The unity of the community to which we intend to work is therefore quite distinct from a generic appeal to all those who consider themselves communists , because we know how at least 50 years behind these signs are hidden opportunists, reformers and scrap poltronari di ogni tipo.

2)      Rifiuto di ogni forma di eclettismo . Innumerevoli formazioni e aree politiche della cosiddetta sinistra radicale per anni si sono trastullate in “nuove teorie” basate su suggestioni “altermondialiste”, su un movimentismo confusionario e pasticcione e/o sulla ricerca spasmodica di “nuove soggettività”: teorie dimostratesi alla luce dei fatti del tutto inconsistenti ed inservibili al movimento di classe, e risoltesi in ultima analisi nella stucchevole richiesta di un “capitalismo dal volto umano”, dunque in un “nuovo” riformismo senza riforme, utile solo a portare qualche esponente di movimento su qualche comoda poltrona parlamentare o municipale. La parabola discendente del movimento “no-global” e la pletora di escrescenze politiciste da essa prodotte ne sono la testimonianza più limpida.

3)      Riappropriazione del metodo d’analisi, di una prassi politica e degli obiettivi propri del marxismo rivoluzionario e internazionalista. Dopo quasi un secolo di deformazioni e mistificazioni del pensiero marxista, di “vie italiane” al socialismo, di teorie ispirate al “socialismo in un solo paese”, dimostratesi drammaticamente fallimentari sia nelle esperienze di “socialismo reale” sia per il ruolo nefasto da esse svolto nel movimento operaio nei paesi capitalistici, è necessario ribadire con forza qual è il compito ultimo dei comunisti: il rovesciamento del capitalismo come sistema economico, sociale e politico; la presa del potere da parte del proletariato attraverso un necessaria rottura rivoluzionaria; l’esercizio del potere da parte della classe proletaria (dittatura del proletariato) come tappa necessaria all’eliminazione della borghesia come classe e indispensabile nel passaggio dal socialismo alla società senza classi: il comunismo.

Il concetto di “dittatura del proletariato” va ri-affermato e al contempo precisato alla luce dei fallimenti del secolo scorso. Esso va a nostro avviso difeso ripristinandone la sua originaria accezione marxista come sopra indicata: la dittatura del proletariato non ha nulla a che vedere con la “dittatura del partito” a cui abbiamo assistito nelle esperienze di socialismo reale (a cui si sono poi sostituite forme ancor più anticomuniste di dittatura di un singolo uomo sul partito e quindi sul proletariato), né tantomeno con le varie forme di capitalismo di stato consolidatesi attraverso lo scioglimento e la cancellazione degli organi di potere effettivo della classe operaia (soviet e sindacati).

Restore the idea that Marxism is our theoretical foundation is therefore necessary but not sufficient to rebuild the Communist organization in line: no deal critically with the errors, the horrors and the deformations of the last century that statement results in an unnecessary statement of principle.

On the political-strategic then there are a number of shares as necessary, but to build and test during the debate and the common path: assessment of the stage, analysis of the reasons that led a progressive loss of consciousness of the working class, functional tools currently social and political action of the Communists, phase program for the class struggle (specifically articulated goals and unifying themes and categories).

Our idea of \u200b\u200ba constituent

The current crisis of capitalism, with all its new elements compared to previous crises, confirms once again an elementary historical invariance: the system does not fall alone, it is necessary for the subjective and conscious action, and self-organized communists.

Given that, today more than ever, this organization can not be international, but we must assume that "the first enemy of the workers in their own country", then browse our country as the first stage of a difficult and Communist hard work of rebuilding the organization and then create a contextual link with other work on the international communist.

at this preliminary stage, the task of a constituent assembly must be both strategic and tactical autonomy to the practice of class are in fact facing initiatives to interpret the needs immediately expressed by those sectors most immediately available to the class struggle, then:

1) Locate the joints and the joints of the construction of the functional class party through moments of discussion and public debate, campaigns, unifying disputes, etc.. It must first carry out a mapping of all the comrades who make up our area, both in reference to spatial distribution, both for what concerns the social composition (workers, students, unemployed, etc.). In order to identify which areas issues and action can be taken immediately and which need further work and instead of grouping. In the first case can be built quickly political campaigns or initiatives to combat , where you still can not "walk on their own feet" will be evaluated, depending on specific conditions, if you create moments of debate and comparison of presenting our project, or if it becomes necessary to intervene at the outset in those political realities, labor and more or potentially related to combat.

2) Keep open doors of the proposed organization of new insurance companies and activists through forms of association that are inclusive and, if necessary, divided into thematic areas of operation: on the assumption that this is not enough to put together a few dozen militants who say they want to create the party to actually achieve this goal. At this early stage we think is necessary, if possible, create two areas or levels:

a) 's territorial and political active, small to those fellow militants who fully recognize our political project;

b) 's theme active or enlarged, possibly promoted by individual working groups on specific issues and open to non-militants and sympathizers.

3) Establishment, starting next September, a working group with the aim of creating a single national newspaper . A tool of communication and information that is not only a classic piece of propaganda But primarily points to the task of instrument of agitation and link the struggles , primarily those who see the active intervention of our comrades.

4) Self-financing: accompany, where possible, political activity with cultural and social activities designed to finance the organization (social dinners, movies, concerts, etc..) funding to support the "ordinary" through the payment of monthly fees by militants.

The organization that we want right now to put in place must therefore strive to act already started, but does not envisage unnecessary bureaucratic shortcuts.

This means that, especially at this stage, the decision-making power should reside in the assemblies, or political activists, collectives local community, and ultimately in the national assembly, beside him was a need to create a central executive group that has as its only task is to coordinate and make effective the guidelines issued in the assemblies.

Naples, 06-11.-10

Associazione Marxista Unità Comunista

Brazilian Waxing In Providence

Presidente giù le mani dal nostro lavoro!

AVVISO AL PRESIDENTE DELL'AUTORITA' PORTUALE

PRESIDENTE GIU' LE TUE MANI DAL NOSTRO LAVORO

con la tua modifica del regolamento bacini

AVEVAMO AVUTO QUALCHE PERPLESSITA'

con il tuo atteggiamento di favore nei confronti di una sola azienda

CI ERA SORTO QUALCHE DUBBIO

con la crescita degli investimenti public in favor of the same company

DOUBT THIS WAS 'FIRED

now attempting to change the plan shipbuilding

The question is' BECOME A CERTAINTY

PRESIDENT

WE GOT IT

HAVE BOUGHT But enough!

We can no longer remain steadfast in the face of abuse and the behavior of this president to promote his masters jeopardizes the business of a whole and led to our lavoro quotidiano.

Dobbiamo ggridare e far sapere che questo presidente si è venduto ed è stato corrotto dai soliti noti che stanno monopolizzando il porto di Napoli.

Gli stessi padroni che possono far lavorare operai in nero o ditte rumene autorizzate in ventiquattro ore dalla "magnifica" autorità portuale.

Gli stessi padroni che manovrano e ricattano il presidente burattino per avere ancora di più. Nel porto non è rimasto niente che sfugge al contro dei soliti noti e il comitato portuale fa finta di non sapere e di voler credere alle bugie del presidente

AUTORITA'

doubt became certainty

is no time to pretend not to see

AND 'THE TIME TO TAKE ACTION BEFORE THE BLAST loose cannon AGAINST ALL THE CITY'

ship repair workers - Naples

What Does Raising A Pinky Mean?

Nessun dialogo col nemico di classe!

NO DIALOGUE WITH THE ENEMY OF CLASS!

release of the National Coordination of Joining struggles - Area class Usb

Opening the site of USB in the clear, it is an invitation to the meeting discussion, "Election Day election or not?" organized on 18 November.

A meeting debate where one of the speakers, besides representatives of various trade unions, there are representatives of all parties of the center: the Democratic Party (which has recently appointed new coordinator Sergio D'Antoni of territorial politics which has already publicly stated that should prevail in the country the fundamental theme of unity and conciliation), all'Idv, the Federation of the Left, Left Ecology Freedom.

And, last but not least, are invited Labour Minister Maurizio Sacconi and the Minister for Public Renato Brunetta.

have not yet been six months since May 23, 2010, date of birth Journal of USB in Rome at the Teatro Capranica. That birth was accompanied by the words " the unification of the" union that serves employees, "" general organization, independent and confrontational, already widespread in all sectors of the working world and throughout the national territory, which means build a concrete alternative, rooted and mass, to review historical concert .
Six months during which the grassroots activists have repeatedly organized efforts to challenge, in the "territories", openly Brunetta, Sacconi (now called Usb at the conference) and other ministers, who sometimes were forced to decline the invitation to escape the disputes processed. The management

USB, on the pretext of discussing and putting the serious issue of missing RSU elections, in fact, on the eve of elections increasingly likely, attempts to unify the center-debate at a meeting, perhaps to send out the message Usb gift that can bring in the votes of tens of thousands of subscribers. These initiatives are the opposite of the objectives that are contrary to the workers and the content established in words, even by the leaders during the days of the founding of the union.

The union says that conflict and then "converses" with the enemy class, legitimize, seems to retrace the same path of that party in the Prodi government, which said party of the "war and government," as if the two were reconciled. Because of these choices, which led him to support the imperialist war, not to close one despite the cpt was their minister and to be jointly responsible for the infamous memorandum with the increasing age of retirement and the transfer TFR in pension funds, has paid the betrayal with the abandonment of many members. As you can not be a "party of struggle and government" (in a government of capitalism), so there may be a "union conflict that concert."

Moments of struggle, even in Italy, are increasingly present. The protests of Sardinian shepherds, those against the cuts to culture the film festival in Rome, researchers at war, immigrants forced to climb on the crane in Brescia, not to mention the hundreds of thousands of workers who, during the manifestation of Fiom October 16, questioned the line of their own union crying need of the general strike, which urgently require to be placed on the agenda the issue of unification of the struggles.

demands, as opposed to conferences where they invite legitimacy as interlocutors, those who were responsible for the division between public employees and privati, dell'abbassamento dei diritti e del massacro sociale in corso.

Unire le lotte-Area classista USB

15 novembre 2010

How Often Does One Get A Brazillian Wax

manifestazione studentesca, mercoledì 17 novembre p.zza del Gesù, ore 9:30

Il 17 novembre, data internazionale di mobilitazione studentesca, saremo di nuovo in piazza per ribadire che “Il futuro non è scritto”, che ribellarsi a questo stato di cose non solo è possibile, ma necessario! E’ per questo che abbiamo dato vita ad una mobilitazione autorganizzata, costruita dal basso, autonoma e critica rispetto ai partiti e organizzazioni istituzionali, che da sempre si sono dimostrati più interessati alla sp artizione the "banquet", which to safeguard the interests and rights of the weakest segments of society.

witnessing the dismantling decades by the governments of the center-right and center, school and public universities; Reform Gelmini, last measure in order of time to accomplish this task, determined to cut millions of € for schools and faculties.

Together with the workers of the world of public education, the unemployed, precarious workers we decided to hear our voice loud and clear: the repression, attempts to frighten us and to dissuade us from pursuing our battles, we have responded and will continue to reply con l’unità e la determinazione.

>>>> il 17 novembre: PRE(te)NDIAMO CIO' CHE CI

SPETTA

IL FUTURO NON E' SCRITTO!

MERCOLEDì 17 NOVEMBRE, ORE 09:30,

CONCENTRAMENTO IN P.ZZA DEL GESù, NAPOLI

studenti autorganizzati campani

Teckdecklive.com/fourms

Nasce "unire le lotte-area classista in USB"

UNION UNION OF BASE: THE AREA IS BORN class "UNITE THE STRUGGLE"

Sunday, October 31 was held in Rome a national assembly of activists USB (Union grassroots unions) who have shared , at the founding congress of USB, the document entitled "Contribution to the battle for the review of class." The meeting was attended by about 50 union activists, representing almost all provincial unions that have actually contributed to the preparation and dissemination of the document. Between the present reality of struggle Sunday with representatives of particular mention: the public use of Vicenza, USB Latina (With a delegation from the Committee Against Asbestos Workers), USB school Emilia Romagna (Bologna, Reggio Emilia, Modena), USB Bergamo (active in the Workers' Network of Seriana Val), USB Cremona (including a working delegation of the establishment Marcegaglia) , USB Cultural Heritage in Florence, USB activity of Apulia in the active coordination of temporary cuts in the fight against the junta Vendola. Assembly brought their best, with a view to future cooperation, the European immigrants in Italy, a representative of Cobas IT, student collectives and various political realities and trade union employers to build opposition to the policies of the center and the center- bourgeois.
The Assembly, which saw a close comparison of different proposals on the articulation of trade union struggle, was organized with the principles of workers' democracy cooerentemente commented on the document distributed at the Congress of USB. Each proposal was discussed and put to the vote: It is important that even in the rules, the area will be built in line with the principles it intends to proclaim.

After a few hours of debate, the Assembly of 31 October approved the following decisions:

- Building area within the class of USB, called "Join the struggle - Area USB class. The area is built on the principles set out in the platform (discussed and voted on by the Assembly) that you can read below.

- Inform bodies of national leaders of constitution of the USB, demanding the release of the platform deployment on the national site of the union.

- Promote in the coming weeks for the submission of the assemblies in all the provincial federations of USB.

- Organize a national assembly next spring of the newborn area, open to all activists of grassroots unions and other class-sector unions, in order to build un'interlocuzione consistent and coordinated action for the battle for SIDAC class.

- to promote a sit-in of solidarity with workers who have challenged the Treviglio CISL and now facing sanctions by the same Fiom vertices.

The meeting also discussed and finally voted a National Coordination of the area consists of 9 partners representing the leading companies that have signed the document released at the founding congress of USB. Coordination - made up of fellow Bocchese Riccardo, Stefano Bonomi, Patricia Cammarata, Danieli Emilio, Frigoli Angelo, Ruggero Mantovani, Giuseppe Raiola, Stefanoni Fabiana, Maria Teresa Turek. Coordination, which has the task of organizing efforts and the intervention of "Join the struggle - Area USB class" until the next National Assembly, be revoked whenever the meeting is convened. The assembly can always be expressed that the members of the Coordination on the criteria according to which they are appointed.
The assembly finally voted for an agenda of solidarity with migrant workers on strike on 29 October in Brescia suffered a heavy police repression of an initiative for organizing a protest against exploitation.

Super Sentai 2010 Season

Giovedì 11 novembre corteo contro la criminalizzazione delle lotte

Thursday, November 11 at 9.30 square Mancini
procession against the criminalization of social struggles

(at the hearing for review of temporary workers arrested)

Press

OSI NO REBELS!? Freedom for the precarious
Bros arrested!

13

precarious project Bros arrested after a real beating, eight inmates in prison and five Poggioreale currently under house arrest, are yet another shocking to those who think the budget to handle the crisis with social repression and the club. And 'quite simply unacceptable! Who is responsible if not a shred of planning and the future in sight for the thousands of temporary workers trained in this project is of local and national institutions or those who protest and fight for their rights!? Who is responsible if the Campania region can speak only of cuts to essential goods? If the public start to work has become a joke, if unemployment reaches astronomical figures in the city and live in a country where Welfare is now non-existent!?
"Briganti or Emigrants", it seems that, once again, the only option provided by those who hold the levers of power. While speculation devours hundreds of millions of euro, the so-called "garbage crisis", while the collection that would produce many jobs has systematically boycotted. In this situation it is simply disgraceful behavior Prefecture of Police and trying to provide an outlet for growing social insecurity waging war to lower classes, who would not accept the humiliation of marginality and fights for their rights. E 'unseemly easy populism security-often find that on average, unable to pressure instead of a ruling class that manages the economic crisis on the weakest. And 'theorems concern the attempt to state courts that address people's struggles as a criminal phenomenon!

All precarious and the unemployed, students who no longer have a public school, workers without rights, without any protection to families, citizens who see their land poisoned, who can not get to the end of the month: we come out of silence, rebel! It 's the only chance we have! In true democratic
ask you to take yet another turn last word against authoritarian. Thursday
the realities of social self, trade unions base of students, civic committees for the common good, the world of work, will be insecure in the streets during a hearing to review the arrests to demand the freedom of the 13 temporary workers, the end of repression against the social struggles, freedom of Tonino, another comrade hit by a real law enforcement and judicial persecution.

Thursday, November 11 at 9.30 square Mancini
protests against the criminalization of social movements

Neapolitan

Brazilian Wax In Mobile Al

Angelo è libero!

After three months of precise pre-trial detention and Angelo 'release from prison of Siano.La decision signed by the investigating magistrate and 'was taken in quanto la misura di detenzione cautelativa massima per il 280bis comma1(atti di terrorismo con ordigni micidiali o esplosivi) e’ di 3 mesi.

Al di la’ della gioia e felicita’ di riabbracciare un compagno sequestrato nelle discariche della borghesia imperialista,vogliamo fare una riflessione su questa vicenda repressiva e rilanciare.

Per quella che e’ la nostra valutazione ,questa inchiesta ha fatto acqua da tutte le parti e lo dimostra il fatto che non solo Angelo sia stato scarcerato,ma anche il fatto che lo snodo   principale    dell’impianto accusatorio dell’inchiesta (art.270bis)(inchiesta among others still in progress) is currently decaduto.Quindi these modern inquisitors traveling up mare.Aprono investigations everywhere to stop what they can not stop: the fall of the paper tiger! But it 's well known that the servants and the lakes' , until their owners are alive, remain faithful to them.

Historically, since the capitalist mode of production and 'the dominant economic model, the communists, revolutionaries, anarchists and class-conscious proletariat, have also paid with their blood to oppose the state of affairs and esistenti.Questo' inevitable part of war between social classi.E 'for this reason that we have no intention to enter only into mere technicalities giuridici.Per what concerns us or you are 'on one side of the fence or are' the other!

O is on the side of the exploited or is on the side of the exploiters!

We have already 'chosen time and sara'certo some investigation to stop!

FOR THE UNIFICATION OF THE FIGHT!

anticapitalist UNIT FOR A FACE!

AGAINST ELECTION FARCE ABSTENTION BUILD A CAMPAIGN!

AGAINST REVISION AND OPPORTUNITIES: RAISE THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF CLASS!

alongside our prisoners held captive in the prisons of the imperialist bourgeoisie!

revival through SOLIDARITY'S STRUGGLES 'International!

Committee Against Repression roma

Is Perrier Good For You

Mozione conclusiva dell'assemblea del 7 novembre al csa Vittoria di Milano

NATIONAL MEETING held

the CSA Vittoria in Milan Sunday, November 7, 2010 which was attended by:

coordination support the struggles of cooperatives

si.cobas

csa victory

Milan anti-racism committee

cpo forge

cord. Workers joined St. Julian

mov. Unemployed Organized new benches - Naples

Sin.base Genoa

coll Vesuvius area

area anticapitalist bell

uses - milan

work. Coop. Alfa - nerviano

coord. Lav. united against the crisis

SLAI for the cobas sind. Class

et al. Baruda - Naples

companions movement in Milan, Novara, Florence, Modena, Turin, Genoa, Rome and Naples

Communist Workers Party

that promote the following

MOZIONE CONCLUSIVA

L’assemblea odierna, che ha visto una partecipazione numerosa e   l’espressione di un interessante livello qualitativo, giudica molto positivo il confronto tra le diverse realtà nazionali presenti.

Il coordinamento di sostegno alle lotte dei lavoratori delle cooperative ha introdotto l’assemblea facendo il punto sull’evoluzione positiva di questo percorso autorganizzato che ha visto crescere nel settore della logistica, un elevato livello di partecipazione dei lavoratori (per la grossa parte forza lavoro immigrant), the set also targets other than strictly political union and the affirmation of the principle of class solidarity among workers of different cooperative effort with the mutual support of individual pickets.

The meeting was attended by friends and fellow anti-capitalist movements of Campania, the unemployed organized Banchi Nuovi of Naples and a delegation from Terzigno which emphasized the special problems of that area.

The speeches of the comrades have gone beyond trying to combine the specificity of the defense, il diritto alla salute, il diritto al salario e ad una diversa e superiore qualità della vita, con la capacità di inserire questi elementi di battaglia sociale all’interno di un quadro più complessivo di lotta politica, da un punto di vista anticapitalista, per un superamento della situazione di precarietà e sfruttamento.

L’assemblea ha sottolineato l’importanza di uscire da una logica di specificità d’intervento economico vertenziale, sindacale e sociale per porre concretamente sul terreno delle lotte e a partire dalla materialità dei bisogni, un livello di confronto politico più generale che ponga tutti i conflitti all’interno di una prospect of class recomposition indicating a possible alternative of a radical transformation of the existing and necessary.

The Assembly decided to extend this moment of confrontation and this outline of possible routes to unit all the political structures and labor, the reality of struggle in the workplace, in schools and in the territories which choose to arise in the field of class struggle.

With the intention to broaden this perspective on a national scale, focusing on sharing the comparison of the practice of conflict and the goals of stable employment, wages, defense of territory and health rights for all the workers and Italian immigrants.

decides to take charge of holding the parade on 13 November in Nerviano for the rights of workers of the cooperative Alfa and launched a mobilization for 20 November 15.30 to Cerro al Lambro at the gates of the Executive Gls against dismissal policy of immigrant workers of the cooperative Poppy, and to continue the mobilizations in support of the employees of coop. Clo participating in future initiatives.

Milano 07.11.2010