La classe operaia sola di fronte alla crisi
Nonostante il silenziatore posto da giornali e televisioni di regime, intenti come non mai ad occultare il paese reale e le sue contraddizioni per concentrare i riflettori sull’insulso teatrino del bipolarismo istituzionale e sui finti scontri tra le due frazioni della borghesia nostrana, lo scorso inverno è stato attraversato ovunque da esperienze di lotta e protagonismo operaio.
La mappa delle crisi aziendali e delle numerose mobilitazioni di lavoratori è così ampia e svariata che è letteralmente impossibile stilarne un elenco minimamente esaustivo: oltre alle oramai note esperienze di Pomigliano (la cui disamina della mobilitazione in atto contro l’infame Piano-Marchionne meriterebbe una trattazione a parte) e dell’Eutelia, si possono citare quelle delle cooperative milanesi (Bennett di Origgio e altre), capace di coinvolgere su di un terreno di lotta anticoncertativa settori consistenti di lavoratori immigrati, la lotta esemplare dei dipendenti di Alcoa in Sardegna, l’esperienza degli operai INSSE, il “gesto esemplare” dei lavoratori della Vynyls di Porto Torres che ancora oggi occupano il carcere abbandonato dell’Asinara (divenuto noto ai media come “ Isola dei cassintegrati” , ma anche quelle dei dipendenti Ispra e dei precari della scuola, a testimonianza che anche il mondo della ricerca e del cosiddetto lavoro intellettivo può essere capace di autonome iniziative di lotta.
Salvo qualche lodevole eccezione, nella maggior parte dei casi stiamo assistendo a una proliferazione di lotte “ fai da te” , il più delle volte portate avanti fuori dai tradizionali canali sindacali, e in molti casi caratterizzate da forme di protesta isolate tra loro e mosse più da un senso di disperazione e di ricerca spasmodica dei riflettori mediatici, che di cosciente e consapevole initiative class. Although these episodes embryonic response workers and proletarian represent important signals in perspective and should not be underestimated, it is the duty of the Communists and the vanguards of class to investigate these phenomena, understanding the limits and investigate the causes of the current state of fragmentation and weakness of struggles.
It is in our view the result of a sense of distrust and isolation of the extreme political and trade union that has been settled between the class over the years, fueled both by the loss of credibility of organizations' official (CGIL and "radical left" in the first place) as a result of the turnaround, the two decades di concertazione a perdere e delle politiche di attacco al salario in nome dei “governi amici”; dall’altro della cronica incapacità da parte delle pur importanti realtà del sindacalismo di base e della sinistra di classe di indicare e praticare percorsi di lotta organizzati, coordinati e capaci di infondere nuova fiducia nella classe.
I fatti di queste settimane confermano in maniera cristallina quanto affermiamo.
Sul versante istituzionale o para-istituzionale, abbiamo assistito all’ennesimo congresso-farsa di una Cgil che è oramai incapace persino di recitare il consueto copione dell’antiberlusconismo: quest’organizzazione, che da tempo immemore è alla più completa mercè di una burocrazia affarista divenuta “stato nello stato” (si pensi soltanto al business dei C.A.A.F. o a quello, più recente, dei fondi-pensione), ha sancito nella sua massima assise nazionale la riconciliazione con Cisl, Uil e Ugl, sacrificando ogni residuo barlume di autonomia sindacale sull’altare delle compatibilità, pur di venire riammessa ai tavoli delle trattative con governo e Confindustria da cui era stata preventivamente estromessa negli ultimi mesi.
Per suggellare l’approdo neoconcertativo e neocorporativo, Epifani e il suo successore Camusso si sono dapprima sbarazzati, attraverso brogli e irregolarità several, of what remained of the internal opposition. These were some time very little: in fact the same document "alternative" was in large part the preserve of bureaucrats and union leaders known for their concerted and ultrariformisti past, and it is no coincidence that in that motion the principle of consultation is never mentioned nor nor questioned.
The real outcome of the conference did not take place in Rimini, but the National Assembly of Confindustria, where Epifani, appeared alongside Fini, Casini, Bersani and discoveries partner Bonanni and Angeletti, in the role of staunch supporter of Emma Marcegaglia report, the latter in a climate of "national unity" invited politicians, businessmen and workers to share, all together, the "sacrifices" imposed by the economic crisis.
This is perfectly illustrated in our view of how the crisis is straining to reassemble that axle "neocentrista" between the area of \u200b\u200bConfindustria tied to big business and financial capital (led by Fiat, De Benedetti, Tronchetti Provera, Colaninno, etc..), the old center (PD in particular) and the confederal unions in a new edition of this united front that in the past two decades saw Romano Prodi, the man who could summarize the interest, and that the opportunity presents itself in an enlarged version of the UDC and Finian, all united in the name of 'responsibility' and 'national unity. "
This axis, now cross to the current coalition, however, is left somewhat battered from the last regional elections, whose only winners have been the one hand and vote (now at record levels) on the other hand, the Northern League , the main performer of quell'offensiva unprecedented carried out by the reactionary right-wing bloc on the ground in civil, social and cultural.
climate racist, xenophobic and security-first, ad hoc orchestrated by the owners to divide the working class, distract from the real causes of the crisis and fomenting wars between the poor, in the absence of organized opposition to the class and allowed the League to populism Tremonti to take root as a layer consisting of the working class, and became in fact the main life insurance for the Berlusconi government.
It is no coincidence that the issues of security and immigration are increasingly the leitmotif of the campaign, and that these issues have become part of the DNA from almost all parties and regional governments and local center-left, which are queued in a supine horde of reactionary even gain some electoral advantage (De Luca's example in Campania can be illuminating for this purpose).
same time, the PDL and the Right of the Government shall endeavor with all their means to revive small groups of extreme right and neo-fascist waste buried in history, feed and protect them with the aim of infiltrating provocateurs in these struggles and prevent the growing discontent among the underclass and working class areas are channeled in a direction anti-capitalist: the case of the group now known Casapound it is the clearest demonstration . We should say a few words on this point that in recent years has been a further source of division between the reality of the next class. The Communists are intended primarily to clarify what they intend to bring to bear against the low manpower of our national capitalism beyond understatements hasty and sterile alarmism. To clear up misunderstandings and ambiguities start by saying that the first step to remove the neo-fascist political freedom is rooted in class and the struggle against capitalism. If it is true that for most of the Italian bourgeoisie democracy remains the most appropriate scheme to use its domain class and is certainly not around the corner a full-blown dictatorship in style two decades, for the Communists but also raises the need to know how to deal with the attacks of the Fascists in the years that have gradually abandoned any ambitions "revolutionary" or vaguely "anti-system" to be mere servants of the bourgeoisie. The daily assaults on fellow antagonists, belonging to the left of class, community centers and offices of militant trade unionism basic require not to underestimate the phenomenon is merely another tool in the hands of the owners to block and isolate the Communists especially schools, universities and workplaces. In other words, Fascists do not attack us when we "Anti-fascism," but also and above all the bourgeoisie when we perceive as a threat to social peace. Our response militant on this issue must be firm and clear, anti-fascism, therefore, consider a particular form of class struggle and for us must be firmly tied to the liberation of the working class by employers. Similarly, we believe that the communists should lead an independent initiative itself as a bulwark against any attempt by the fringes "progressive" of the Italian bourgeoisie and their followers in the institutions, to gain space in the direction of the protest in the name of "holy alliances" against fascism. Our struggle can not by no means be an encouragement for the recycling of political classes who for years do nothing but sing the praises of the anti-Fascist Italian Constitution, while supporting the anti-proletarian policy in this country.
The total absence of the slightest force organized class also contributes to the proliferation of such phenomena as "grillismo", the "DiPietro", the "savian" phenomena that, notwithstanding the obvious differences between they are all the product of the same security-glare with which the media are trying to numb the consciences of the workers diverting them towards a form of deification of an order (the capitalist) e da leggi, poliziotti, magistrati e controllori vari con cui la classe sfruttata ha sempre avuto tutto da perdere, nulla da guadagnare e niente a che spartire.
Del resto, le sedicenti opposizioni, democratiche e costituzionali, che si indignano per le norme-bavaglio imposte da Berlusconi alla stampa e per le leggi ad personam, sono sempre pronte, con la benedizione di Napolitano, a sedersi ai “tavoli delle riforme” per riscrivere la costituzione in chiave reazionaria (non è un caso che tutti indichino come modello la bozza-Violante…), ma soprattutto accorrono in soccorso della destra per far si che la prossima finanziaria risponda, nel modo più fedele possibile, ai diktat antiproletari It took the EU (reappeared on TV months ago, Romano Prodi is to say with sincerity enviable, that "the operation of the Berlusconi government is in perfect continuity with those launched by the previous center-left governments.
In this state of perpetual precarious balance in which the political class and trade union tries to float hit by the same contradictions which devoured the ruling class emerging with increasing evidence the limits of the class movement in all areas and forms: ' absolute lack of coordination between the struggles and disputes, the lack of credible reference points at union level, and especially the lack of a political project capable of reviving the struggle for the unity and autonomy of class, and from this, for the revival of a credible plan of unity of the Communists.
themes and locations for the organization of class
state of extreme fragmentation of the proletarian front, the continuing setbacks imposed on the class master's from the offensive in recent years and, finally, the new, dramatic wave of all-out attack against the salary direct, indirect (social status) and deferred (pensions) as a result of the systemic crisis of global capitalism, now make urgent resumption of the confrontation between the Communists in order to rebuild those tools necessary to restore the balance of power in favor of the proletarian front after three decades of defeats and setbacks: firstly, the construction of effective means of coordination of economic and social struggles, in other words the union of class, and second the class party, the autonomous organization of the Communists.
so that these goals do not amount to mere claims, or mere statements of intent, as we believe that the Communist drive paths should be identified, the intermediate stages approach to bridge the gap between the objective need of the party and the union of inadequacy and disorganization of class forces.
Our battle for the review of class: ... out of sterile entryism
For several decades, the debate in the next class on the union was completely absorbed from unnecessary and often tiresome debate between those who, with a variety of accents and justifications, supporting the need to work within official organizations (ie in the first place and above all Fiom CGIL) and those who, starting while underlining the right of the nefarious role played by the CGIL, attack the flag of one of the many sindacatini base.
evidence shows that both these options have in fact proved unsuccessful: the dogmatic assumption of this or that union as the sole reference has often been the opposite outcome to what many comrades, including good faith, they proposed, instead of feeding paths reconstruction, delusions, confusion and fragmentation in the class.
who continued to fight in CGIL is in the best case found trapped in useless rituals and of the flue system, deluded by the cracks the so-called "trade union left" on expectations of a prophetic "X hours" in which the resumption of the class struggle would have ousted the corrupt bureaucracies, and systematically disillusioned by opportunistic practices of all kinds of divisions and positions of power with which the 'alternative motions "keep bartering the workers' demands.
haughty attitude with which almost all of the numerous small groups and seven self-styled Marxist supporters dismiss the issue of the CGIL trade union of construction of the class as they show in a clear, behind a communist or convoluted rhetoric revolutionary, hiding nothing that the interest in keeping the seats and the seats obtained in the control apparatus main wire and anti-working class.
Moreover, when the capital deployed all its strength and ability to blackmail against the proletarians, the reaction of the latter, even if members of the official organizations, in some cases comes with the struggle to climb over the tactics and calls for caution handed out liberally by many self-styled Marxists: tenacity, determination and anger with which workers FIOM Pomigliano have returned to you the agreement halter wanted by Marchionne has effectively displaced not only the leaders of Fiom itself, but also many of his reggicoda "left." This was made clear on June 25 in Naples during the general strike called by the CGIL a number of fellow workers and the reality of the Cobas private labor objected to below the stage the meeting held by union leaders: while many workers Fiom Pomigliano solidarity with the protest, the leaders of the various so-called "left-labor" groping awkwardly, not knowing how to get on ...
For revolutionary communists, these acts of insubordination to their workers' central union "must be the occasion for intensifying intervention in these contradictions in order to enlarge, not the expedient for tactical repositioning, or worse yet, begging for seats in the nerve center.
... and beyond sindacatini "DIY
inexorable drift of the confederal unions and cooperatively in recent years has offered more opportunity for the revival of a real trade union movement class and combative.
Unfortunately, despite many in the area of \u200b\u200bgrassroots unions continue to repeat that at this stage "we are open true prairie" , these declarations of intent are completely disregarded because of the limitations and chronic health has always characterized the plethora of trade unions and sindacatini extraconfederali.
The vast and rugged archipelago of grassroots unions, the development of which have contributed and still contribute some important experiences of struggle and self-organization over the years has unfortunately been unable to go beyond their own fences and their "allotments."
The struggles of these years, they el'indubbio role played by grassroots unions (on all the anti-war demonstration in June 2007 and the strike in October 2008 attended by hundreds of thousands of workers) offered more than once the occasion to launch a wide path and took part, able to go beyond the existing plethora of acronyms and exceed the limits established by the chronic lack of roots and the presence of "patchy" in the workplace.
The extreme fragmentation of the proletarian front, therefore, would have imposed the search for a tool that, based on certain key words and class-unifying anticoncertative, acted not only as support for the struggles and self-organization, but was also a credible reference point in front of those thousands of workers who, despite having to struggle, still in the military or confederations are not members of any union because of objective limitations imposed by employers (just think of the precarious or employees of small businesses) term needs (primarily the absence of trade unions based in large part reality of the work or the lack of representativeness due to the monopoly granted to the CGIL-CISL-UIL) or more simply the outright distrust than unions.
The so-called Pact consultation set up by some of the main symbols extraconfederali, which at first seemed, though between light and shadow, move in that direction, instead nel giro di pochi mesi risolto nell’indizione di qualche sporadica scadenza di lotta comune, peraltro con modalità tese a restringere gli ambiti decisionali entro la cerchia ristretta dei vertici e ad escludere di fatto le sigle minori.
Il riaffiorare di personalismi e velleità egemoniche di varia natura legate a questo o quel gruppo politico ha fatto il resto, consegnandoci di fatto un quadro tutt’altro che confortante: in questi mesi abbiamo assistito alla nascita di nuove sigle che si proponevano di riunificare gran parte delle esperienze di base, e al contempo a tre o quattro nuove scissioni, provocate a nostro avviso dal vecchio vizio politicista di pensare che per dar vita a un sindacato di classe Just sit around a table, come to an agreement between "managers" and then summon some shareholders are looking for a plebiscite to be passive members of the workers ... the face of self and the "rejection of the delegation " !
The results of this are obvious: the general strike called by the grassroots unions last October 23 took place in a few thousand people, and even fewer are the numbers of the national event opened last week in Rome against the budget package.
Just as it emerges in objectively the need to create a credible instrument and keep pace with emerging issues and new forms of exploitation, able to unify and support the struggles, the landscape of grassroots unions seem largely unprepared to carry out these tasks, as mired in exhausting internal diasporas that might reduce some abbreviations to a role of a mere witness to the revival of schedules and other paperwork similar to those of the confederate.
Union of class and workers' councils
While the difficulties and limitations set out above make it very far The route to the review class, it is also true that the dramatic effects of the crisis and recovery in many cases of workers from lower forms of leadership makes all the more necessary the identification of organizational forms that here and now prove adequate to current conflict.
Given the myriad of corporate crises, layoffs, layoffs in the context already marked by unemployment, which has now reached unsustainable levels and the sharp fall in the purchasing power of wages due to increased rates of essential public goods (electricity, water, gas, transport, etc..), the high-price and high cost loans, and in light of contextual and often confused responses by workers, we think that all the comrades, regardless of unions or political affiliation, should move right now to create everywhere Committees against the crisis, and Autoconvocate unitary councils of workers in struggle in workplace, cases of resistance useful to support the struggles and dealing with the worst effects of the crisis, and so it produces no sense of helplessness and hopelessness, but anger and desire for redemption, insubordination to the dictates of the bosses, institutions and politicians subservient to them.
committees struggle Autoconvocate represent in our opinion the only instrument capable today to promote, coordinate and connect the struggles at least national and European perspective: already in some cities there are similar experiences (Milan, Bergamo, Turin, Rome, etc..) but are still confined to a territorial dimension, vertenziale or "corporate." This is to our notice from these first attempts, showing off and putting them in conjunction, you must also work to overcome the boundaries vertenziali, that does not mean ignoring the individual disputes, but from the latter to set up a 'single dispute unifying against the bosses and their institutions, which will restore those divisions category of contract, class, ethnicity, etc.. that the employers imposed the proletarians through restructuring and reform laws in the labor market.
In essence, you must create a coordination Autoconvocate including workers laid off, fired, movements of the unemployed, precarious workers in every sphere and every figure contract and committees of immigrants.
Beyond the big names or formulas, it is essentially to create some form of aggregation from the bottom, without prejudice to the territorial autonomy of each and vertenziale actually engage in combat uniform and deadlines coordinated mobilization and independent from equipment leases, taking over those claims for wages and hours that have characterized the most advanced experiences of the labor movement of the last century and updated in the light of new contradictions escalator, guaranteed salary, drastic reduction of working time, deletions cages wage of any kind (whether territorial, categorical or related to productivity) through a single European salary, stabilization of all temporary contracts, no to snatching of severance pay, social services (water, electricity, gas, education, transport, etc. .) Free for the workers, the closure of CIE for immigrants, not the great works (Tav, landfills, incinerators, Strait Bridge, etc.) and use of public funds for works that meet the needs of populations and provide stable employment to the unemployed, not to military spending and war missions imperialist etc.. These are only some claims, which are listed as examples of a possible unifying platform for the realities of combat more advanced at the national level.
Only in this way you can, immediately, to provide working class conscious and militant action that first instrument able to traverse forward and overcome the balkanization of acronyms that often divide rather than unite them each avant-garde a union of class, anticoncertativo and combative.
This task, in which no political or trade union symbol in the left of the class can think of to accomplish alone, because it goes far beyond the narrow garden plots that each of us has carved over the years, and as required, at the forefront to get rid of narcissism and ravings of primogeniture, which inevitably end up frustrating the leadership class and ultimately return the struggles in the arms of the reformists and opportunists.
just one example: last winter when the Sardinian Alcoa workers took to the streets in Rome facing for an entire afternoon con le forze dell’ordine, essi impugnavano in gran parte le bandiere di un sindacato giallo, la Cisl. Ci chiediamo: dobbiamo continuare a ricordarci di questi operai solo quando finiscono sui giornali per poi storcere il naso di fronte al fatto che non hanno in tasca “ la tessera giusta” , o forse non è meglio comprendere che il tracollo del capitalismo, spingendo alla lotta settori di proletari sinora inimmaginabili per i comunisti, impone delle proposte organizzative immediate che superino gli steccati e le liturgie attuali?
Per l’organizzazione autonoma dei comunisti
We are aware that in the absence of effective initiatives to exit the current impasse, including the call to the party risks being reduced to only a sterile proclamation, a prayer without the slightest relapse practice.
Although a formula somewhat overused recently, and although it has tried to use it as any sort of ocelots that have devalued the real meaning, we continue to believe that the best way to give back to their communist tool action is that of the constituent .
Before the names and "packages", we are concerned, however, specify the boundaries and content of our proposal: that in order to avoid misunderstandings and misconceptions in relation to other experiences through the aftermath of the collapse of the "Rainbow Left", and that during these two years, in the name of appeals to the 'unity of Communists, have proved only Trojans to all types of ocelots from the PRC and PdCI, responsible for killing and anti-proletarian policy of the Prodi government elites like those who today say they criticize (except then beg for seats in governing bodies or candidates in elections under the banner of the same party).
For this reason, it seems necessary to indicate in advance what we should not be the constituent :
1) not be useful to make-up operation recycle parts of that political class (and PdCI PRC in particular) that led to the current disaster, and that is in a state of coma. The parties of the so-called "radical left" of the instruments are now completely useless for both the community and especially the working class, so any operation intended to resurrect, politically or electorally these subjects for us to reject and oppose.
2) can not and must not be a field party nominating himself: in Italy there is already a rich plethora of small parties-bonsai, custodian of "correct line" but little or nothing in class and rooted in the contradictions produced by the system. We do not care to add one more item to this list, because we believe the construction of the organization is the result of a constant and hard work of avant-garde group of real as they emerge from the struggles and militancy, and which do not always coincide with those who are self-appointed "vanguard."
3) not be an area where it is limited to debating intellectually party, only to postpone indefinitely the process of building concrete organization: the discussions it seminars are useful only insofar as they are able to achieve concrete progress for us, if you are not limited to photograph the current fragmentation.
4) not be a shortcut to functional operations purely electoral. We have already discussed this point extensively elsewhere, so we just reiterate our point of view by stating clearly that, at least in the coming years, any attempt election will inevitably be employed or become self-defeating not only an act for those who practice but for the whole communist movement, or to turn in yet another scramble for seats, or even worse, departments and ministries to the bourgeoisie.
within the confines of the red lines just now mentioned, we declare ourselves available as of now to initiate or resume the debate with all those communists and proletarians who share the historical necessity of a political organization independent.
Rebuilding the thread of Marxist theory: against reformism in all its variations, over the inconclusive gruppettarismo
The reflection on the party, while urgent and can not be postponed, is not we have chosen a new and well established idealistically, but a historical necessity that there is (re) delivered by the economic, political and social capitalism of recent decades, and in the first place by the recent global crisis of its forms.
For those, like us, wants to get out of the impasse of the long period of communist organizations, this common will is not sufficient to solve the huge problem, in short, to create a common path we which are indispensable for a number of shares analytical, theoretical proposals (strategic and tactical) and methodological issues.
affirm this because too often the path forward to create unit has resulted in hasty "cold fusion" that within a few months have led to disastrous results.
None of us is attracted to a monolithic idea of \u200b\u200borganization: on the contrary, we believe that sufficient analytical and theoretical homogeneity is achievable only through a broad debate, transparent and mostly horizontally between peers.
The history and experience of the communist and workers' movement in more than half a century and demonstrate the validity of two assumptions of the Marxist method-hinge:
1) ; The formation of a militant, and the validity of theoretical assumptions, strategic, tactical planning and organization necessarily pass the test live daily offering of the class struggle. An effective political intervention of the vanguard and the class struggle and communist militants in a thousand streams of class contradictions can only exist as long to get to know, then field the everyday materiality of the concrete forms of exploitation and capitalist domination .
2) "Without revolutionary theory, there is no revolutionary movement." This principle should be interpreted for us in terms of materialistic and dialectical, not doctrinaire: in other words, the revolutionary theory is characterized as such only if it is capable of being translated, both tactical and strategic, in a good "guide to action" of thousands of men and women, in a grid of analytical, interpretative and programmatic progress profits of the real movement which abolishes the present state of things, so I a mere list of petitions of principle, nor a table of want established idealistically but no correspondence with reality and its social relations of production.
Based of these two assumptions, it follows that the revolutionary communists must be taken, where possible, in every single fight and dispute partial, so that in practice the latter prevail, slogans and forms of struggle by self-compatibility and their employers reggicoda reformers, and so part of every struggle and emerge in a clear instance of the prevailing character of the capital-labor el'inconciliabilità conflict of interest between the two warring classes.
The recovery of an autonomous movement and class, a prerequisite to the development organization of the Communists, on the one hand requires a break with the political and cultural practices small vessels, folding microvertenziale (often cloaked by realpolitik ) to which you are bound hand and foot not only avowedly reformist organizations, but also many other structures of the archipelago of movement and "communist", the other a inconclusive as clear break with the chatter of evergreen small groups and small parties "from the right course, endless commentators and political reality at every moment ready to sciorinare a long list of quotations" masters "but totally unable to translate these precepts into a some form of political intervention in the class.
Queste precisazioni, che potrebbero a prima vista sembrare alquanto scontate tra marxisti, ci sembrano necessarie per fare chiarezza sui “confini” politici che intendiamo tracciare nel nostro dibattito.
Le necessarie condivisioni analitiche sono per noi in primo luogo le seguenti:
1) Lotta al riformismo e a qualsiasi corrente politica che continui ad illudere il proletariato con concezioni gradualistiche, progressiste, frontiste e democraticiste. Il nostro percorso di avvicinamento al partito è per sua stessa natura independent and incompatible with anyone, even within the so-called "Marxist-Leninist", recalls in a more or less obvious tale of the popular fronts and alliances between the democratic movement class and alleged "enlightened bourgeoisie" (which is , specifically Italian, means nothing more than tie the proletariat to the chariot of the various Montezemolo, De Benedetti and company ...). The unity of the community to which we intend to work is therefore quite distinct from a generic appeal to all those who consider themselves communists , because we know how at least 50 years behind these signs are hidden opportunists, reformers and scrap poltronari di ogni tipo.
2) Rifiuto di ogni forma di eclettismo . Innumerevoli formazioni e aree politiche della cosiddetta sinistra radicale per anni si sono trastullate in “nuove teorie” basate su suggestioni “altermondialiste”, su un movimentismo confusionario e pasticcione e/o sulla ricerca spasmodica di “nuove soggettività”: teorie dimostratesi alla luce dei fatti del tutto inconsistenti ed inservibili al movimento di classe, e risoltesi in ultima analisi nella stucchevole richiesta di un “capitalismo dal volto umano”, dunque in un “nuovo” riformismo senza riforme, utile solo a portare qualche esponente di movimento su qualche comoda poltrona parlamentare o municipale. La parabola discendente del movimento “no-global” e la pletora di escrescenze politiciste da essa prodotte ne sono la testimonianza più limpida.
3) Riappropriazione del metodo d’analisi, di una prassi politica e degli obiettivi propri del marxismo rivoluzionario e internazionalista. Dopo quasi un secolo di deformazioni e mistificazioni del pensiero marxista, di “vie italiane” al socialismo, di teorie ispirate al “socialismo in un solo paese”, dimostratesi drammaticamente fallimentari sia nelle esperienze di “socialismo reale” sia per il ruolo nefasto da esse svolto nel movimento operaio nei paesi capitalistici, è necessario ribadire con forza qual è il compito ultimo dei comunisti: il rovesciamento del capitalismo come sistema economico, sociale e politico; la presa del potere da parte del proletariato attraverso un necessaria rottura rivoluzionaria; l’esercizio del potere da parte della classe proletaria (dittatura del proletariato) come tappa necessaria all’eliminazione della borghesia come classe e indispensabile nel passaggio dal socialismo alla società senza classi: il comunismo.
Il concetto di “dittatura del proletariato” va ri-affermato e al contempo precisato alla luce dei fallimenti del secolo scorso. Esso va a nostro avviso difeso ripristinandone la sua originaria accezione marxista come sopra indicata: la dittatura del proletariato non ha nulla a che vedere con la “dittatura del partito” a cui abbiamo assistito nelle esperienze di socialismo reale (a cui si sono poi sostituite forme ancor più anticomuniste di dittatura di un singolo uomo sul partito e quindi sul proletariato), né tantomeno con le varie forme di capitalismo di stato consolidatesi attraverso lo scioglimento e la cancellazione degli organi di potere effettivo della classe operaia (soviet e sindacati).
Restore the idea that Marxism is our theoretical foundation is therefore necessary but not sufficient to rebuild the Communist organization in line: no deal critically with the errors, the horrors and the deformations of the last century that statement results in an unnecessary statement of principle.
On the political-strategic then there are a number of shares as necessary, but to build and test during the debate and the common path: assessment of the stage, analysis of the reasons that led a progressive loss of consciousness of the working class, functional tools currently social and political action of the Communists, phase program for the class struggle (specifically articulated goals and unifying themes and categories).
Our idea of \u200b\u200ba constituent
The current crisis of capitalism, with all its new elements compared to previous crises, confirms once again an elementary historical invariance: the system does not fall alone, it is necessary for the subjective and conscious action, and self-organized communists.
Given that, today more than ever, this organization can not be international, but we must assume that "the first enemy of the workers in their own country", then browse our country as the first stage of a difficult and Communist hard work of rebuilding the organization and then create a contextual link with other work on the international communist.
at this preliminary stage, the task of a constituent assembly must be both strategic and tactical autonomy to the practice of class are in fact facing initiatives to interpret the needs immediately expressed by those sectors most immediately available to the class struggle, then:
1) Locate the joints and the joints of the construction of the functional class party through moments of discussion and public debate, campaigns, unifying disputes, etc.. It must first carry out a mapping of all the comrades who make up our area, both in reference to spatial distribution, both for what concerns the social composition (workers, students, unemployed, etc.). In order to identify which areas issues and action can be taken immediately and which need further work and instead of grouping. In the first case can be built quickly political campaigns or initiatives to combat , where you still can not "walk on their own feet" will be evaluated, depending on specific conditions, if you create moments of debate and comparison of presenting our project, or if it becomes necessary to intervene at the outset in those political realities, labor and more or potentially related to combat.
2) Keep open doors of the proposed organization of new insurance companies and activists through forms of association that are inclusive and, if necessary, divided into thematic areas of operation: on the assumption that this is not enough to put together a few dozen militants who say they want to create the party to actually achieve this goal. At this early stage we think is necessary, if possible, create two areas or levels:
a) 's territorial and political active, small to those fellow militants who fully recognize our political project;
b) 's theme active or enlarged, possibly promoted by individual working groups on specific issues and open to non-militants and sympathizers.
3) Establishment, starting next September, a working group with the aim of creating a single national newspaper . A tool of communication and information that is not only a classic piece of propaganda But primarily points to the task of instrument of agitation and link the struggles , primarily those who see the active intervention of our comrades.
4) Self-financing: accompany, where possible, political activity with cultural and social activities designed to finance the organization (social dinners, movies, concerts, etc..) funding to support the "ordinary" through the payment of monthly fees by militants.
The organization that we want right now to put in place must therefore strive to act already started, but does not envisage unnecessary bureaucratic shortcuts.
This means that, especially at this stage, the decision-making power should reside in the assemblies, or political activists, collectives local community, and ultimately in the national assembly, beside him was a need to create a central executive group that has as its only task is to coordinate and make effective the guidelines issued in the assemblies.
Naples, 06-11.-10
Associazione Marxista Unità Comunista
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